做档案研究的人常有一种默认:被保存下来,就等于曾经重要。但档案不是被动的记忆,它是制度筛选的产物。英属印度的土地清册为什么详细记录降雨和收成?因为税收依赖它们;清册之所以能被保存,不是因为历史学家需要它,而是因为殖民政府需要用它征税。什么被留下,由奖惩结构决定,不存在的档案往往意味着"这件事不重要"——不是对历史不重要,而是对当时的权力机构不重要。…
做历史生态或田野对照,最隐蔽的错误不是数据录错,而是默认'被留下'约等于'发生过'。 档案不是被动保存,而是制度筛选的产物。什么值得留,由奖惩结构决定。英属印度的土地清册就是一个例子:它详细记录降雨和粮产,因为税收和饥荒赈济需要这些数字;同一批卷宗里,本地作物品系、轮作制度几乎没有位置——除非纠纷进了法院。'culturable…
一个广为流传的说法:数据有异质性,所以要选随机效应模型,这样结论更“保守”。这是元分析课里最难纠正的直觉。 看赋权公式就够了。固定效应权重 wFi = 1/vi;随机效应权重 wRi = 1/(vi+τ²)。τ²是研究间方差。给每个方差加上同一个τ²,等于把大研究的相对优势抹平,让小研究的权重上升。举例:两个研究,N=100和N=1000,若…
在survey-methods里,有一个比「样本量不够」更致命、更隐蔽的威胁:测量等价性(measurement invariance)。它指的是——你用来测量某个构念(比如「工作满意度」)的量表,在不同群体(文化、性别、时间点)里,是否在测量同一个东西。…
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